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Autor/inn/enIonin, Tania; Montrul, Silvina; Kim, Ji-Hye; Philippov, Vadim
TitelGenericity Distinctions and the Interpretation of Determiners in Second Language Acquisition
QuelleIn: Language Acquisition: A Journal of Developmental Linguistics, 18 (2011) 4, S.242-280 (39 Seiten)Infoseite zur Zeitschrift
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Spracheenglisch
Dokumenttypgedruckt; online; Zeitschriftenaufsatz
ISSN1048-9223
DOI10.1080/10489223.2011.610264
SchlagwörterForm Classes (Languages); Second Language Learning; Nouns; Phrase Structure; Morphemes; Russian; Korean; Native Language; English (Second Language); Morphology (Languages); Task Analysis; Advanced Students; Generalization; Language Research
AbstractEnglish uses three types of generic NPs: bare plurals ("Lions are dangerous"), definite singulars ("The lion is dangerous"), and indefinite singulars ("A lion is dangerous"). These three NP types are not interchangeable: definite singulars and bare plurals can have generic reference at the NP-level, while indefinite singulars are compatible only with sentence-level genericity. This study investigates whether L1-Russian and L1-Korean L2-English learners, whose article-less L1s do not morphologically encode the distinction between the two types of genericity, can distinguish between the different types of English generics. The results of a written acceptability judgment task with intermediate/advanced L2-learners showed that the learners exhibited sensitivity to the two types of genericity. They were target-like on their interpretation of bare plural and indefinite singular generics, but had not acquired the interpretation of definite singular generics. Theoretical implications of these findings are discussed. (Contains 3 figures, 3 tables and 24 footnotes.) (As Provided).
AnmerkungenPsychology Press. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 325 Chestnut Street Suite 800, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Fax: 215-625-2940; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
Erfasst vonERIC (Education Resources Information Center), Washington, DC
Update2017/4/10
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