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| Autor/inn/en | Archibald, John; Croteau, Nicole |
|---|---|
| Titel | Acquisition of L2 Japanese WH Questions: Evidence of Phonological Contiguity and Non-Shallow Structures |
| Quelle | In: Second Language Research, 37 (2021) 4, S.649-679 (31 Seiten)Infoseite zur Zeitschrift
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| Zusatzinformation | ORCID (Archibald, John) |
| Sprache | englisch |
| Dokumenttyp | gedruckt; online; Zeitschriftenaufsatz |
| ISSN | 0267-6583 |
| DOI | 10.1177/0267658319897786 |
| Schlagwörter | Japanese; Grammar; Intonation; Suprasegmentals; Phrase Structure; Form Classes (Languages); Second Language Learning; Second Language Instruction; Undergraduate Students; North Americans; Sentences; Task Analysis; Linguistic Theory; Comparative Analysis; Phonology; Interlanguage; Phonetics; Syntax |
| Abstract | In this article we look at some of the structural properties of second language (L2) Japanese WH questions. In Japanese the WH words are licensed to remain "in situ" by the prosodic contiguity properties of the phrases which have no prosodic boundaries between the WH word and the question particle. In a rehearsed-reading, sentence production task, we look to see whether non-native speakers of Japanese who are learning the L2 in university classes in North America are able to acquire grammars which are constrained by such universal properties as Match Theory and Contiguity Theory. While linear mixed effects analyses of the pitch contours reveal that the L2ers have not acquired the phonetic implementation distinction of the documented pitch boost on WH words compared to non-WH DPs, our data show that the participants have acquired the pitch compression patterns indicative of having no prosodic phrases intervening between the WH word and the question particle. This property of Japanese WH questions is not taught in their classes, and, thus we argue, that the data are supportive of the position that interlanguage grammars are constrained by universal grammatical properties such as the prosodic contiguity of WH-phrase licensing. We also present these results as being counter to the Shallow Structure Hypothesis. (As Provided). |
| Anmerkungen | SAGE Publications. 2455 Teller Road, Thousand Oaks, CA 91320. Tel: 800-818-7243; Tel: 805-499-9774; Fax: 800-583-2665; e-mail: journals@sagepub.com; Web site: http://sagepub.com |
| Erfasst von | ERIC (Education Resources Information Center), Washington, DC |
| Update | 2024/1/01 |
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