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Autor/inn/enBrunelliere, Angele; Soto-Faraco, Salvador
TitelThe Speakers' Accent Shapes the Listeners' Phonological Predictions during Speech Perception
QuelleIn: Brain and Language, 125 (2013) 1, S.82-93 (12 Seiten)
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Spracheenglisch
Dokumenttypgedruckt; online; Zeitschriftenaufsatz
ISSN0093-934X
DOI10.1016/j.bandl.2013.01.007
SchlagwörterSemantics; Word Recognition; Auditory Perception; Sentences; Pronunciation; Phonology; Prediction; Brain Hemisphere Functions; Diagnostic Tests; Romance Languages; Linguistic Input; Second Language Learning
AbstractThis study investigates the specificity of predictive coding in spoken word comprehension using event-related potentials (ERPs). We measured word-evoked ERPs in Catalan speakers listening to semantically constraining sentences produced in their native regional accent (Experiment 1) or in a non-native accent (Experiment 2). Semantically anomalous words produced long-lasting negative shift (N400) starting as early as 250 ms, thus reflecting phonological as well as semantic mismatch. Semantically expected but phonologically unexpected (non-native forms embedded in a native context) produced only an early ([approximately]250 ms) negative difference. In contrast, this phonological expectancy effect failed for native albeit phonologically unexpected target words embedded in a non-native context. These results suggest phonologically precise expectations when operating over native input, whilst phonologically less specified expectations in a non-native context. Our findings shed light on contextual influence during word recognition, suggesting that word form prediction based on context is sensitive and adaptive to phonological variability. (Contains 4 tables and 4 figures.) (As Provided).
AnmerkungenElsevier. 3251 Riverport Lane, Maryland Heights, MO 63043. Tel: 800-325-4177; Tel: 314-447-8000; Fax: 314-447-8033; e-mail: JournalCustomerService-usa@elsevier.com; Web site: http://www.elsevier.com
Erfasst vonERIC (Education Resources Information Center), Washington, DC
Update2017/4/10
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